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Russia questioned the future of Turkey when it delivered to the Security Council an intelligence report concerning Turkey’s activities in support of jihadists. The document includes about ten revelations which implicate the activities of the MIT. The problem is that each of the operations listed refers back to operations in which the same actors worked with the United States or their allies against Russia. This information adds to that which is already available concerning the personal connections between President Erdoğan and the Al-Qaïda banker, and the information about Erdoğan’s son and the illegal use of the oil stolen by Daesh. Russia delivered to the members of the UN Security Council an intelligence report concerning the activities of Turkey which support the jihadists operating in Syria [1]. The document lists about ten facts, each one of which violates one or several Council Resolutions. By doing so, Russia puts the Council, and, by extension, several other inter-governmental organisations, face to face with their responsibilities. By law, the Council should ask for corresponding proof of these assertions and pressure Turkey for explanations. In the event that Turkey should be found guilty, the Council would have to decide which sanctions should be adopted under chapter VII of the Charter, in other words, by resorting to force. From their side, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation would have to exclude this gangster-state from their ranks, while the European Union would have to halt Turkey’s negotiations for membership. However, a close examination of the Russian intelligence report reveals that the alleged infringements are susceptible to open a number of other case files implicating other powers. Consequently it is unlikely that this report will be discussed publicly, but that the future of Turkey will be negotiated behind closed doors. The case of Mahdi Al-Harati Born in Libya in 1973, Mahdi al-Harati emigrated to Ireland and founded a family there. In May 2010, he was aboard the Mavi Marmara, the flagship for the « Freedom Flotilla », organised by the Turkish non-governmental organisation IHH to deliver humanitarian aid to Gaza. The ships were attacked on the high seas by the Israëli army, provoking an international scandal. The passengers were kidnapped by Tsahal, imprisoned in Israël, and then finally liberated [2]. Then Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, paid a visit to a hospital to comfort the wounded militants. His cabinet issued a photograph showing one of the militants kissing him as if Erdoğan was his father. He was described as being Turko-Irish, and named El Mehdi El Hamid El Hamdi – but in reality, he was the Libyo-Irish Mahdi al-Harati. In July 2011, al-Harati’s house in Rathkeale (Ireland) was burgled. His companion, Eftaima al-Najar, alerted the police and told them that the thieves had taken costly Egyptian and Libyan jewellery and 200,000 Euros in 500-Euro notes. Contacted by telephone, Mahdi al-Harati confirmed to the police that he had recently met with authorities from Qatar, France and the USA, and claimed that he had received this sum from the CIA to help in the overthrow of Mouamar el-Kadhafi [3]. However, he recanted these original declarations when the Libyan Resistance took control of the affair [4]. In July and August 2011, he commanded the Tripoli Brigade – of which his brother-in-law, Hosam al-Najjair, was also a member. The Tripoli Brigade was a unit of Al-Qaïda supervised by French legionnaires and tasked by NATO with taking the Hotel Rixos [5]. Officially, the hotel was the international Press centre, but NATO had been informed by the hotel’s Turkish builder that it included a furnished basement accessible to the exterior, where several members of the Kadhafi family and the leaders of the Jamahiriya were hiding. For several days, al-Harati fought with the French against the soldiers of Khamis Kadhafi [6] In September 2011, NATO named him as the assistant to Abdelhakim Belhaj, the historical chief of Al-Qaïda, who had become the « military governor of Tripoli ». He resigned this post on the 11th October, allegedly due to a difference with Belhaj [7] Nonetheless, in November 2011, at Abdelhakim Belhaj’s side, he commanded a group of between 600 and 1,500 Al-Qaïda jihadists in Libya – formerly known as the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG) – who were registered as refugees and transported by sea to Turkey under the responsibility of Ian Martin, the ex-General Secretary of the Fabian Society and Amnesty International, who had become Ban Ki-moon’s special representative. Once arrived in Turkey, the jihadists were transferred by bus into Syria, under MIT escort (Turkish secret services). They settled in Jabal al-Zouia where, on behalf of France, they created the Free Syrian Army (FSA). For almost two months, Abdelhakim Belhaj and Mahdi al-Harati received all the Western journalists who passed through Turkey in order to cover the event, in what they transformed into a « Potemkin village » [8]. The cabinet of Prime Minister Erdoğan put them in contact with “passers” who transported them by motor-bike to Jabal al-Zouia. There they saw with their own eyes thousands of people demonstrating « against the dictatorship of Bachar el-Assad and for democracy ». Bedazzled, the Western Press concluded that a revolution was under way, at least until a journalist from the Spanish daily ABC, Daniel Iriarte, noticed that the majority of the demonstrators were not Syrian, and only obeyed their Libyan commanders, Abdelhakim Belhaj and Mahdi al-Harati [9]. However, the spectacle of the Falcons of the Levant Brigade (Suqour al-Sham Brigade) […]
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