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By Luis Miranda, The Real Agenda
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Why does France want to overthrow the Syrian Arab Republic ?

Sunday, November 15, 2015 5:58
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Looking back over the history of the French colonisation of Syria, and comparing it with the actions of Presidents Sarkozy and Hollande, Thierry Meyssan brings to light the desire of certain of today’s French politicians to recolonise this country. Theirs is an anachronistic and criminal position which is steadily transforming France into one of the most hated states in the world. France is today the main international power which is calling for the overthrow of the Syrian Arab Republic. While the White House and the Kremlin are secretly negotiating the most efficient way of getting rid of the jihadists, Paris persists in accusing the « Bachar régime » (sic) of having created Daesh, and declaring that after having eliminated the Islamic Emirate, it will be necessary to overthrow « the Alawite dictatorship » (re-sic). France is publicly supported by Turkey and Saudi Arabia, and also, secretly, by Israel. How can we explain the adoption of such a losing hand, considering that France has nothing to gain from this crusade, either economically or politically, that the United States has ceased training combatants to fight the Republic, and that Russia is presently reducing the jihadist groups to cinders? Most commentators have rightly pointed out the personal links that ex-President Nicolas Sarkozy entertained with Qatar, sponsor of the Muslim Brotherhood, and those of President François Hollande, not only with Qatar, but now also with Saudi Arabia. Both Presidents obtained illegal financing for their electoral campaigns from these states, and also enjoyed all sorts of facilities offered by the same states. Besides this, Saudi Arabia now holds a non-negligible percentage of the companies listed in the CAC40, which means that any sudden withdrawal of its investments would cause serious economic damage to France. I would like now to evoke another explanatory hypothesis – the colonial interests of certain French leaders. In order to do so, I must take a step back into history. The Sykes-Picot Agreements During the first World War, the British, French, and Russian Empires secretly agreed to share the colonies of the Austro-Hungarian, German and Ottoman Empires, once they were defeated. After a round of secret negotiations at Downing Street, Sir Mark Sykes – advisor to the War Ministry and superior officer of « Lawrence of Arabia » – and the special envoy from the Quai d’Orsay, François Georges-Picot, decided to share the Ottoman province of Greater Syria between them, and informed the Tsar of this decision. The British, whose Empire was principally economic, appropriated for itself the oil-fields which were then known, and also Palestine, with the intention of setting up a colony there for Jewish settlement. Their territory extended across what are now the states of Palestine, Israel, Jordan, Iraq and Kuwait. Paris, at that time divided between the partisans and opponents of colonialism, was prepared to sanction a form of colonisation which was at the same time economic, cultural and political. It therefore appropriated the territories which correspond to today’s Lebanon and Syria. Half of the population of this region was at that time Christian, whom France claimed to have been « protecting » since the reign of François 1st. Finally, the holy sites of Jerusalem and Acre were supposed to be internationalised. But in reality, these agreements were never completely implemented, partly because the British had undertaken certain contradictory engagements, but especially because their intention was to create a Jewish state in order to continue their own colonial expansion. The British and French « democracies » never publicly debated these agreements, because they would have shocked the British population, and would have been rejected by the French population. The Sykes-Picot Agreements were revealed by Bolshevik revolutionaries who discovered them in the Tsar’s archives. They provoked the fury of the Arab peoples, but the British and French populations did not react to the actions of their governments. The French colonial ideal French colonisation began under Charles X with the bloody conquest of Algeria. It was a question of prestige which was never validated by the French, and led to the revolution of July 1830. But the idea of colonialism only appeared in France after the fall of the Second Empire and the loss of Alsace-Moselle. Two left-wing politicians, Gambetta and Jules Ferry, proposed embarking on the conquest of new territories in Africa and Asia, since they were unable to liberate Alsace-Moselle, now occupied by the German Reich. They united with the economic interests of the right wing parties linked to the exploitation of Algeria. Since diverting the nation’s attention from their failure to liberate the national territory was not a particularly glorious motive, the friends of Gambetta and Ferry wrapped the idea up in a fog of catalysing rhetoric. They claimed not that it was a question of satisfying expansionist or economic appetites, but of « liberating oppressed peoples » (sic) and « emancipating » « inferior » cultures (re-sic). That sounded more noble. The partisans of colonisation created a lobby to defend their appetites in the National Assembly and the Senate – they called it the « Colonial Party ». The term « party » should not lead us into error here. It did not designate a political formation, but a trans-partisan state mindset which united a hundred parliamentaries from both the right and the left. They went on to acquire the support of powerful businessmen, military leaders, geographers and top civil servants such as François Georges-Picot. […]

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